Honorable
Ms Fatou Bensouda on the basis of each described individual criminal
responsibility supporting, direction, leadership GOP Political Party herein participated in a
Common Design or Conspiracy for a Fee of 2.5 Million USA Dollars since December
3rd 2015, April 26th 2016 and October 25th 2016 to commit and did commit by Senate Majority Leader Mitch
McConnell herein committed conscious acting under color of law of United States
of America Senate did so knowing “conspire” to committed violations of
(USA)
own rules of governing laws pursuant to § 1505 - Obstruction of proceedings
before departments, agencies, after already violation of Foreign Agents Registration
Act of 1938 conspiracy acting as an unregistered agent of a foreign government
(Russia Federation) paid Fee of 2.5 Million USA
with (Co) perpetrator Michael
T. Flynn, Paul J. Manafort, Jr., Richard W. Gates III, George Papadopoulos (1,2
and 3) “Criminal Docket Defendant”
1.
United States of America v. Michael T. Flynn defendant Case: 1:17
–cr-00232-RC filed November 30th2017 (false settlement)
2.
United States of America v. Paul J. Manafort, Jr. and Richard W. Gates III,
defendants “Grand Jury Indictment Case 1:17-CR-00201
3. United
States of America v. George Papadopoulos defendant “Statement of the Offense”
Criminal Case No. 1:17-cr-00182-RDM *SEALED* filed October 5th2017
Further
Honorable Ms Fatou Bensouda on the basis of each described individual criminal
responsibility supporting, direction, leadership Common Design or Conspiracy to commit
and did commit 1865 Civil USA War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity, Senate Majority Leader Mitch
McConnell herein on or about Feb 7, 2017 pursuant to § 1505 - Obstruction of
proceedings involving Sen. Elizabeth Warren, blocked from reading the letter aloud in the US Senate, Statement of Coretta Scott King on the
Nomination of Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III for the United States District
Court Southern District of Alabama Senate
Judiciary Committee, Thursday, March 13, 1986 while doing the “same” pursuant to § 1505 Obstruction of
proceedings, for committees Supreme Court vacancy, and pursuant to § 1505 Obstruction
of proceedings of the acting
“Office of Commander in Chief” against the 44th
President Barack Obama, while further being in the (RICO) engagement in excess
of 2.5 Million US Dollars criminal actions Foreign Agents Registration
Act of 1938 conspiracy to act as an unregistered agent of a foreign government for the Russia Federation “while”
committed with confederates (Trump et al) FBI criminal (defendant listed 1, 2
and 3)
Honorable
Ms Fatou Bensouda on the basis of each described individual criminal
responsibility supporting, direction, leadership
Jefferson Sessions further charged
with membership in a Criminal Organization,
PURSUANT TO “RICO STATUE” Count I, Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act...“Slavery
Servitude” money laundering statutes, 18 U.S.C. 1956 and 1957,“Slavery
Servitude” money laundering statutes, RICO statute (18 U.S.C. § 1961(1) knowing
“Mississippi never free said slaves #BlackLivesMatter herein pursuant to “Dred Scott” Vs.
Sandford, 60 U.S. 393 (1857) Slaves of 1865 – 2013 herein having never no USA “Legal
Citizenship”
Pro Se “Slave Negro”
Louis Charles Hamilton II, herein furtherance’s fully “State”, “Affirm” and
“Declare” legally, furtherance’s Honorable Ms Fatou
Bensouda on the basis of each described individual criminal responsibility
supporting, direction, leadership in civil cause of
action being the same cause of action denied in “err” and fraud of the USA
Judicial Government Common Design or Conspiracy to commit and did commit
1865 Civil USA War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity, filed as follows:
Hamilton v. United States
of America et al decisions or orders for this case Filed: December 15, 2010 as 1:2010cv00808, Plaintiff:
Louis Charles Hamilton, II Defendant: United States of America, Andrew Johnson, Cause Of
Action: Racketeering (RICO) Act Court: Fifth Circuit › Texas › Texas Eastern District Court Type: Other Statutes › Racketeer Influenced
and Corrupt Organizations
Filed: April 17, 2012 as 12-40403, Plaintiff
- Appellant: LOUIS CHARLES HAMILTON, II,
Negro African American,
suing on behalf of all other African American (Negroes) Americans in and for
the United States of America
Defendant - Appellee: UNITED STATES OF
AMERICA, ANDREW JOHNSON, President, RUTHERFORD B. HAYES, Court:
Fifth Circuit U.S. Court of Appeals, Fifth Circuit Type: Other Statutes RICO Pro Se “Slave Negro” Louis Charles Hamilton
II, herein furtherance’s fully “State”, “Affirm” and “Declare” legally,
furtherance’s
Honorable
Ms Fatou Bensouda on the basis of each described individual criminal
responsibility supporting, direction, leadership in civil cause of action being the same cause
of action denied in “err” and fraud of the USA Judicial Government Common
Design or Conspiracy to commit and did commit 1865 Civil USA War Crimes and
Crimes against Humanity, With Judicial Fifth Circuit “conscious”, “declare”, “deliberation” and
officially “Affirm”, Filed: April 17, 2012 as 12-40403 Pro
Se “Slave Negro” Louis Charles Hamilton II, herein furtherance’s fully “State”,
“Affirm” and “Declare” legally, furtherance’s
Honorable
Ms Fatou Bensouda on the basis of each described individual criminal responsibility
supporting, direction, leadership in civil cause of
action being the same cause of action denied in “err” and fraud of the USA
Judicial Government Common Design or Conspiracy to commit and did commit
1865 Civil USA War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity, filed as follows: United States District Court, N.D.
Illinois,
Eastern Division.
In re
AFRICAN-AMERICAN SLAVE DESCENDANTS LITIGATION. MDL No. 1491. No. 02 C 7764. U.S.
District Judge Charles Norgle dismissed an amended reparations lawsuit filed by
Deadria Farmer-Paellmann.
Statement of Coretta Scott King on the Nomination of
Jefferson Beauregard Sessions III for the United States District Court Southern
District of Alabama
Senate Judiciary Committee
Thursday, March 13, 1986
Mr. Chairman and
Members of the Committee: Thank you for allowing me this opportunity to express
my strong opposition to the nomination of Jefferson Sessions for a federal
district judgeship for the Southern District of Alabama. My longstanding
commitment which I shared with my husband, Martin, to protect and enhance the
rights of Black Americans, rights which include equal access to the democratic
process, compels me to testify today.
Civil rights leaders,
including my husband and Albert Turner, have fought long and hard to achieve
free and unfettered access to the ballot box. Mr. Sessions has used the awesome
power of his office to chill the free exercise of the vote by black citizens in
the district he now seeks to serve as a federal judge. This simply cannot be
allowed to happen. Mr. Sessions’ conduct as U.S. Attorney, from his politically
motivated voting fraud prosecutions to his indifference toward criminal
violations of civil rights laws, indicates that he lacks the temperament,
fairness and judgment to be a federal judge.
The Voting
Rights Act was, and still is, vitally important to the future
of democracy in the United States. I was privileged to join Martin and many
others during the Selma to Montgomery march for voting rights in 1965. Martin
was particularly impressed by the determination to get the franchise of blacks
in Selma and neighboring Perry County. As he wrote, “Certainly no community in
the history of the Negro struggle has responded with the enthusiasm of Selma
and her neighboring town of Marion. Where Birmingham depended largely upon
students and unemployed adults (to participate in non-violent protest of the
denial of the franchise), Selma has involved fully 10 percent of the Negro
population in active demonstrations, and at least half the Negro population of
Marion was arrested on one day.” Martin was referring of course to a group that
included the defendants recently prosecuted for assisting elderly and
illiterate blacks to exercise that franchise. ln fact, Martin anticipated from
the depth of their commitment twenty years ago, that a united political
organization would remain in Perry County long after the other marchers had
left. This organization, the Perry County Civic League, started by Mr. Turner,
Mr. Hogue, and others as Martin predicted, continued “to direct the drive for
votes and other rights.” In the years since the Voting Rights Act was passed,
Black Americans in Marion, Selma and elsewhere have made important strides in
their struggle to participate actively in the electoral process. The number of
Blacks registered to vote in key Southern states has doubled since 1965. This
would not have been possible without the Voting Rights Act.
However, Blacks still
fall far short of having equal participation in the electoral process.
Particularly in the South, efforts continue to be made to deny Blacks access to
the polls, even where Blacks constitute the majority of the voters. It has been
a long up-hill struggle to keep alive the vital legislation that protects the
most fundamental right to vote. A person who has exhibited so much hostility to
the enforcement of those laws, and thus, to the exercise of those rights by
Black people should not be elevated to the federal bench.
The irony of Mr.
Sessions’ nomination is that, if confirmed, he will be given life tenure for
doing with a federal prosecution what the local sheriffs accomplished twenty
years ago with clubs and cattle prods. Twenty years ago, when we marched from
Selma to Montgomery, the fear of voting was real, as the broken bones and
bloody heads in Selma and Marion bore witness. As my husband wrote at the time,
“it was not just a sick imagination that conjured up the vision of a public
official, sworn to uphold the law, who forced an inhuman march upon hundreds of
Negro children; who ordered the Rev. James Bevel to be chained to his sickbed;
who clubbed a Negro woman registrant, and who callously inflicted repeated
brutalities and indignities upon nonviolent Negroes peacefully petitioning for
their constitutional right to vote.”
Free exercise of voting
rights is so fundamental to American democracy that we can not tolerate any
form of infringement of those rights. Of all the groups who have been
disenfranchised in our nation’s history, none has struggled longer or suffered
more in the attempt to win the vote than Black citizens. No group has had
access to the ballot box denied so persistently and intently. Over the past
century, a broad array of schemes have been used in attempts to block the Black
vote. The range of techniques developed with the purpose of repressing black
voting rights run the gamut from the — straightforward application of brutality
against black citizens who tried to vote to such legalized frauds as
“grandfather clause” exclusions and rigged literacy tests.
The actions taken by
Mr. Sessions in regard to the 1984 voting fraud prosecutions represent just one
more technique used to intimidate Black voters and thus deny them this most
precious franchise. The investigations into the absentee voting process were
conducted only in the Black Belt counties where blacks had finally achieved
political power in the local government. Whites had been using the absentee
process to their advantage for years, without incident. Then, when Blacks
realizing its strength, began to use it with success, criminal investigations
were begun.
In these
investigations, Mr. Sessions, as U.S. Attorney, exhibited an eagerness to bring
to trial and convict three leaders of the Perry County Civic League including
Albert Turner despite evidence clearly demonstrating their innocence of any
wrongdoing. Furthermore, in initiating the case, Mr. Sessions ignored allegations
of similar behavior by whites, choosing instead to chill the exercise of the
franchise by blacks by his misguided investigation. In fact, Mr. Sessions
sought to punish older black civil rights activists, advisors and colleagues of
my husband, who had been key figures in the civil rights movement in the
1960’s. These were persons who, realizing the potential of the absentee vote
among Blacks, had learned to use the process within the bounds of legality and
had taught others to do the same. The only sin they committed was being too
successful in gaining votes.
The scope and character
of the investigations conducted by Mr. Sessions also warrant grave concern.
Witnesses were selectively chosen in accordance with the favorability of their
testimony to the government’s case. Also, the prosecution illegally withheld
from the defense critical statements made by witnesses. Witnesses who did
testify were pressured and intimidated into submitting the “correct” testimony.
Many elderly blacks were visited multiple times by the FBI who then hauled them
over 180 miles by bus to a grand jury in Mobile when they could more easily
have testified at a grand jury twenty miles away in Selma. These voters, and
others, have announced they are now never going to vote again.
I urge you to consider
carefully Mr. Sessions’ conduct in these matters. Such a review, I believe,
raises serious questions about his commitment to the protection of the voting
rights of all American citizens and consequently his fair and unbiased judgment
regarding this fundamental right. When the circumstances and facts surrounding
the indictments of Al Turner, his wife, Evelyn, and Spencer Hogue are analyzed,
it becomes clear that the motivation was political, and the result frightening
— the wide-scale chill of the exercise of the ballot for blacks, who suffered
so much to receive that right in the first place. Therefore, it is my
strongly-held view that the appointment of Jefferson Sessions to the federal
bench would irreparably damage the work of my husband, Al Turner, and countless
others who risked their lives and freedom over the past twenty years to ensure
equal participation in our democratic system.
The exercise of the
franchise is an essential means by which our citizens ensure that those who are
governing will be responsible. My husband called it the number one civil right.
The denial of access to the ballot box ultimately results in the denial of
other fundamental rights. For, it ‘ is only when the poor and disadvantaged are
empowered that they are able to participate actively in the solutions to their
own problems.
We still have a long
way to go before we can say that minorities no longer need be concerned about
discrimination at the polls. Blacks, Hispanics, Native Americans and Asian
Americans are grossly underrepresented at every level of government in America.
If we are going to make our timeless dream of justice through democracy a
reality, we must take every possible step to ensure that the spirit and intent
of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the Fifteenth Amendment of the
Constitution is honored.
The federal courts hold
a unique position in our constitutional system, ensuring that minorities and
other citizens without political power have a forum in which to vindicate their
rights. Because of his unique role, it is essential that the people selected to
be federal judges respect the basic tenets of our legal system: respect for
individual rights and a commitment to equal justice for all. The integrity of
the Courts, and thus the rights they protect, can only be maintained if
citizens feel confident that those selected as federal judges will be able to
judge with fairness others holding differing views.
I do not believe
Jefferson Sessions possesses the requisite judgment, competence, and
sensitivity to the rights guaranteed by the federal civil rights laws to
qualify for appointment to the federal district court. Based on his record, I
believe his confirmation would have a devastating effect on not only the
judicial system in Alabama, but also on the progress we have made everywhere
toward fulfilling my husband’s dream that he envisioned over twenty years ago.
I therefore urge the Senate Judiciary Committee to deny his confirmation.
I thank you for
allowing me to share my views.
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